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ment, and of prospective happenings. The first subject that held our attention was the Pan-American Peace Pact. Fletcher had sent me a copy of what the Brazilian and Chileans Gov- ernments would agree to. We went over this and made such changes in the verbiage as we thought necessary, the President writing them in with his own hand, the copy of which I retained. Later, Fletcher added the word "present" to the first paragraph. It took some time to thresh this out sufficiently because of its many bearings. For instance, Chile desired to leave the question in doubt as to whether we should guarantee the territory in dispute between herself and Peru which is now in her "possession". The President said he would prefer the Pact to fail rather than do such an injustice to one of the smaller nations; since the whole pact was based upon mutual good will and justice he did not wish to start it with a palpable injustice. I like to bring out these char- acteristics of the President, for it shows him at his best. I found him set in his determination to make Germany recede from her position regarding submarines. He spoke with much feeling concerning Germany's responsibility for this world-wide calamity, and thought those guilty should have personal punishment. I believe I have more influence over the President than I realize. For instance, the last time I was here he was so disinclined to be firm with Ger- many that I feared he might destroy his influence. I therefore did all I could to make him stand firm. I evidently overdid it for I now find him un- yielding and belligerent, and not caring as much as he ought to avert war. After our conference I sent for Fletcher, had him take a copy of the changes made by the President in the peace pact covenant, and asked him to see both the Brazilian and Chileans Ambassadors at once and report later in
Title | ms_0466_s2_v4_172 |
Transcript | ment, and of prospective happenings. The first subject that held our attention was the Pan-American Peace Pact. Fletcher had sent me a copy of what the Brazilian and Chileans Gov- ernments would agree to. We went over this and made such changes in the verbiage as we thought necessary, the President writing them in with his own hand, the copy of which I retained. Later, Fletcher added the word "present" to the first paragraph. It took some time to thresh this out sufficiently because of its many bearings. For instance, Chile desired to leave the question in doubt as to whether we should guarantee the territory in dispute between herself and Peru which is now in her "possession". The President said he would prefer the Pact to fail rather than do such an injustice to one of the smaller nations; since the whole pact was based upon mutual good will and justice he did not wish to start it with a palpable injustice. I like to bring out these char- acteristics of the President, for it shows him at his best. I found him set in his determination to make Germany recede from her position regarding submarines. He spoke with much feeling concerning Germany's responsibility for this world-wide calamity, and thought those guilty should have personal punishment. I believe I have more influence over the President than I realize. For instance, the last time I was here he was so disinclined to be firm with Ger- many that I feared he might destroy his influence. I therefore did all I could to make him stand firm. I evidently overdid it for I now find him un- yielding and belligerent, and not caring as much as he ought to avert war. After our conference I sent for Fletcher, had him take a copy of the changes made by the President in the peace pact covenant, and asked him to see both the Brazilian and Chileans Ambassadors at once and report later in |
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