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points I advocated. It would be better to have the Chiefs of Staff, but since
he is so thoroughly committed to Wilson, and since the appointment of Wilson will
mean Lloyd George's trouble and not ours, no one should complain.
George insisted that if Clemenceau broke what he termed "our agreement with
the French Government", he would leave for England tomorrow and would not attend
the Conference. He is acting like a spoiled child.
I have arranged to see Clemenceau at half past nine o'clock tomorrow morn-
ing, (Lloyd George is to see him at ten) in order to smooth matters over before
these two hotheads get together.
I pointed out to George the danger of having speeches made at the Con-
ference. He saw it at once. If they are made, I am sure the Russian question
will be ventilated and many indiscreet things said which might make the Conference
and instrument for evil rather than good. We will get down to work at once,
having already agreed upon the committees to be appointed.
We dined tonight with Ambassador and Mrs. Sharp.
November 28, 1917.
The day opened briskly. Wiseman came to say that Lloyd George had again
shifted and now wanted a civil end to the Supreme War Council, although he agreed
last night that this was not to be desired. Sir William says someone had his
ear since I saw him. I find this constantly happening. He changes his mind
within a few minutes after a definite agreement has been reached.
I was with the French Prime Minister at half past nine. It took barely ten
minutes to carry through the program I had in mind. Clemenceau agreed to yield
to Lloyd George as to the Chiefs of Staff, but said with a sardonic smile, "it
vitiates the entire plan. What I shall do is to put on a second or third rate
man instead of Foch, and let the thing drift where it will".
I told Clemenceau that <sic>lloyd</sic> George had said he had a positive agree-
| Title | ms_0466_s2_v5_383 |
| Transcript |
points I advocated. It would be better to have the Chiefs of Staff, but since
he is so thoroughly committed to Wilson, and since the appointment of Wilson will
mean Lloyd George's trouble and not ours, no one should complain.
George insisted that if Clemenceau broke what he termed "our agreement with
the French Government", he would leave for England tomorrow and would not attend
the Conference. He is acting like a spoiled child.
I have arranged to see Clemenceau at half past nine o'clock tomorrow morn-
ing, (Lloyd George is to see him at ten) in order to smooth matters over before
these two hotheads get together.
I pointed out to George the danger of having speeches made at the Con-
ference. He saw it at once. If they are made, I am sure the Russian question
will be ventilated and many indiscreet things said which might make the Conference
and instrument for evil rather than good. We will get down to work at once,
having already agreed upon the committees to be appointed.
We dined tonight with Ambassador and Mrs. Sharp.
November 28, 1917.
The day opened briskly. Wiseman came to say that Lloyd George had again
shifted and now wanted a civil end to the Supreme War Council, although he agreed
last night that this was not to be desired. Sir William says someone had his
ear since I saw him. I find this constantly happening. He changes his mind
within a few minutes after a definite agreement has been reached.
I was with the French Prime Minister at half past nine. It took barely ten
minutes to carry through the program I had in mind. Clemenceau agreed to yield
to Lloyd George as to the Chiefs of Staff, but said with a sardonic smile, "it
vitiates the entire plan. What I shall do is to put on a second or third rate
man instead of Foch, and let the thing drift where it will".
I told Clemenceau that |
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