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4i4 CORRESPONDENCE AND PUBLIC PAPERS.
such open and direct violence to the honour and
prerogatives of Congress as to be better calculated to
excite their resentment than their acquiescence. Nor
can we conceive it very decent in Great Britain to
expect that Congress, after having so long firmly and
uniformly maintained the rights of independence,
should now consent to deviate from that character by
negotiating with her for peace, in any other capacity
than the one in which they have carried on the war
with her.
It seems agreed on all hands, that the commission
does not acknowledge us to be independent, and
though the King of Great Britain consents to make
it the first article of the proposed treaty, yet, as
neither the first nor the last article of the treaty can be
of validity till the conclusion of it, can it be reasonably expected that we should consent to be viewed
during all that interval as British subjects, there being
no middle capacity or character between subjection
and independence ? Neither Congress nor their
servants, if so inclined, have a right to suspend the
independence of the United States for a single
moment, nor can the States themselves adopt such
a measure, while they remember the solemn manner
in which they pledged to each other their lives, their
fortunes, and their sacred honour, to support their
independence.
It gives us pleasure to find that these inferences
and conclusions from the general nature and rights of
independence stand confirmed by the express acts
and declarations of Congress on the subject, and in
| Title | The correspondence and public papers of John Jay - 2 |
| Creator | Jay, John |
| Publisher | G.P. Putnam's Sons |
| Place of Publication | New York, London |
| Date | [1890-93] |
| Type | Books/Pamphlets |
| Title | 00000435 |
| Type | Books/Pamphlets |
| Transcript | 4i4 CORRESPONDENCE AND PUBLIC PAPERS. such open and direct violence to the honour and prerogatives of Congress as to be better calculated to excite their resentment than their acquiescence. Nor can we conceive it very decent in Great Britain to expect that Congress, after having so long firmly and uniformly maintained the rights of independence, should now consent to deviate from that character by negotiating with her for peace, in any other capacity than the one in which they have carried on the war with her. It seems agreed on all hands, that the commission does not acknowledge us to be independent, and though the King of Great Britain consents to make it the first article of the proposed treaty, yet, as neither the first nor the last article of the treaty can be of validity till the conclusion of it, can it be reasonably expected that we should consent to be viewed during all that interval as British subjects, there being no middle capacity or character between subjection and independence ? Neither Congress nor their servants, if so inclined, have a right to suspend the independence of the United States for a single moment, nor can the States themselves adopt such a measure, while they remember the solemn manner in which they pledged to each other their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honour, to support their independence. It gives us pleasure to find that these inferences and conclusions from the general nature and rights of independence stand confirmed by the express acts and declarations of Congress on the subject, and in |
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