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278 CORRESPONDENCE AND PUBLIC PAPERS.
have its navigation and fleet—let those four of the
constituent parts of the British Empire be under four
independent governments, and it is easy to perceive
how soon they would each dwindle into comparative
insignificance.
Apply these facts to our own case. Leave America
divided into thirteen, or if you please into three or
four, independent governments, what armies could
they raise and pay, what fleets could they ever hope
to have ? If one was attacked, would the others fly
to its succor, and spend their blood and money in its
defence. Would there be no danger of their being
flattered into neutrality by specious promises, or
seduced by a too great fondness for peace to decline
hazarding their tranquillity and present safety for the
sake of neighbors, of whom perhaps they have been
jealous, and whose importance they are content to see
diminished ? Although such conduct would not be
wise, it would nevertheless be natural. The history
of the states of Greece, and of other countries,
abounds with such instances; and it is not improbable, that what has so often happened would, under
similar circumstances, happen again.
But admit that they might be willing to help the
invaded State or Confederacy. How, and when, and
in what proportion shall aids of men and money be
afforded ? Who shall command the allied armies, and
from which of them shall he receive his orders ? Who
shall settle the terms of peace, and in case of disputes
what umpire shall decide between them, and compel
acquiescence ? Various difficulties and inconveniences
| Title | The correspondence and public papers of John Jay - 3 |
| Creator | Jay, John |
| Publisher | G.P. Putnam's Sons |
| Place of Publication | New York, London |
| Date | [1890-93] |
| Language | eng |
| Type | Books/Pamphlets |
| Title | 00000313 |
| Type | Books/Pamphlets |
| Transcript | 278 CORRESPONDENCE AND PUBLIC PAPERS. have its navigation and fleet—let those four of the constituent parts of the British Empire be under four independent governments, and it is easy to perceive how soon they would each dwindle into comparative insignificance. Apply these facts to our own case. Leave America divided into thirteen, or if you please into three or four, independent governments, what armies could they raise and pay, what fleets could they ever hope to have ? If one was attacked, would the others fly to its succor, and spend their blood and money in its defence. Would there be no danger of their being flattered into neutrality by specious promises, or seduced by a too great fondness for peace to decline hazarding their tranquillity and present safety for the sake of neighbors, of whom perhaps they have been jealous, and whose importance they are content to see diminished ? Although such conduct would not be wise, it would nevertheless be natural. The history of the states of Greece, and of other countries, abounds with such instances; and it is not improbable, that what has so often happened would, under similar circumstances, happen again. But admit that they might be willing to help the invaded State or Confederacy. How, and when, and in what proportion shall aids of men and money be afforded ? Who shall command the allied armies, and from which of them shall he receive his orders ? Who shall settle the terms of peace, and in case of disputes what umpire shall decide between them, and compel acquiescence ? Various difficulties and inconveniences |
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