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3i8 CORRESPONDENCE AND PUBLIC PAPERS.
double-sighted politicians endeavour to alarm you.
You cannot but be sensible that this plan or Constitution will always be in the hands and power of the
people, and that if on experiment it should be found
defective or incompetent, they may either remedy its
defects, or substitute another in its room. The objectionable parts of it are certainly very questionable,
for otherwise there would not be such a contrariety
of opinions about them. Experience will better
determine such questions than theoretical arguments,
and so far as the danger of abuses is urged against
the institution of a government, remember that a
power to do good always involves a power to do harm.
We must, in the business of government as well as in
all other business, have some degree of confidence, as
well as a great degree of caution. Who, on a sick-bed,
would refuse medicines from a physician merely because it is as much in his power to administer deadly
poisons as salutary remedies ?
You cannot be certain that by rejecting the proposed plan you would not place yourselves in a very
awkward situation. Suppose nine States should
nevertheless adopt it, would you not in that case be
obliged either to separate from the Union or rescind
your dissent ? The first would not be eligible, nor
could the latter be pleasant. A mere hint is sufficient
on this topic. You cannot but be aware of the
consequences.
Consider, then, how weighty and how many considerations advise and persuade the people of America
to remain in the safe and easy path of union ; to continue to move and act, as they hitherto have done,
| Title | The correspondence and public papers of John Jay - 3 |
| Creator | Jay, John |
| Publisher | G.P. Putnam's Sons |
| Place of Publication | New York, London |
| Date | [1890-93] |
| Language | eng |
| Type | Books/Pamphlets |
| Title | 00000353 |
| Type | Books/Pamphlets |
| Transcript | 3i8 CORRESPONDENCE AND PUBLIC PAPERS. double-sighted politicians endeavour to alarm you. You cannot but be sensible that this plan or Constitution will always be in the hands and power of the people, and that if on experiment it should be found defective or incompetent, they may either remedy its defects, or substitute another in its room. The objectionable parts of it are certainly very questionable, for otherwise there would not be such a contrariety of opinions about them. Experience will better determine such questions than theoretical arguments, and so far as the danger of abuses is urged against the institution of a government, remember that a power to do good always involves a power to do harm. We must, in the business of government as well as in all other business, have some degree of confidence, as well as a great degree of caution. Who, on a sick-bed, would refuse medicines from a physician merely because it is as much in his power to administer deadly poisons as salutary remedies ? You cannot be certain that by rejecting the proposed plan you would not place yourselves in a very awkward situation. Suppose nine States should nevertheless adopt it, would you not in that case be obliged either to separate from the Union or rescind your dissent ? The first would not be eligible, nor could the latter be pleasant. A mere hint is sufficient on this topic. You cannot but be aware of the consequences. Consider, then, how weighty and how many considerations advise and persuade the people of America to remain in the safe and easy path of union ; to continue to move and act, as they hitherto have done, |
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