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278 HISTORY OF MARYLAND.
" This not pleasing, they resolve again that the commissioners may proceed to enlist
for three years upon one roll alone—keeping it always in view that it was better to enlist
during the war, if it did not retard the service.
" This resolution keeping up the first bone of contention—the land—and by implication that the States had none, still not answering expectation, congress further resolved,
that any resolutions that had passed should neither operate to weaken or strengthen the
claim of the United States or any of them to any back land, by which this point, that
has given such uneasiness in our province, will be saved, and will be discussed hereafter
in our future confederacy.
" The second point they had in view was the point of taxation, which they thought
unequal, being rated on slaves as whites. This has been expressly named as the mode as
to $6,000,000. As to $14,000,000 more the same declaration is made as in the article of
land, that the proportion of sinking it shall be adjusted hereafter on each State, and that
nothing heretofore done shall strengthen or weaken such inquiry or question.
" Our Province having in some measure obtained a satisfaction on these two heads,
nothing now remains but to consider whether the Convention having impowered ms to
proceed and enlist for and during the war on the $20, we can go on the terms of three
years, and the same bounty being for a less term. Under this point we are pretty generally
agreed to depart from the letter to preserve the spirit."
Here we note the first appearance of a question, which afterwards became
of momentous consequence. The original charters of Virginia, Massachusetts,
Connecticut and New York, included immense and ill-defined tracts of territory, conferred when the geographical knowledge of the country was most
imperfect, and in no sense brought within the control of those colonies. It
was a nice question how far subsequent revocations of charters, and the peace
of Paris, had transferred the right of possession to the crown again, in which
case these lands were liable to seizure, as crown property, not by the individual colonies, but by all conjointly. But Maryland neither entered into these
subtleties, nor was her action founded upon any speculations as to the future
expansion of that confederation whose very existence was then trembling in
the balance. It was to meet the urgent demands of the hour that she acted;
and her action was founded upon the simplest grounds of necessity and justice, as clearly stated by the convention. This subject will be further treated
when we come to the formation of the confederation.
While discussing this subject, the convention was not unmindful of the
purposes for which it had been assembled. On the first day of their reassembling, the Declaration of Rights and the Constitution and form of government were taken up, and freely discussed from day to day, both in and out
of the convention, by the members, the people and the press. After revision
and amendment, on the third of November, the Bill of Rights was adopted,,
and on the eighth, the constitution having been discussed, paragraph by paragraph, was also agreed to.1
1 The form of government thus established latures consisted of two branches, ordained that
was looked upon by all the early statesmen and the members of both should be elected by the
historians as one of singular excellence. The people. This rather made two co-ordinate
Constitution of the Senate was especially the Houses of Representatives, than a check on a
theme of admiration. Of it Dr. Ramsey re- single one by the moderation of a select few.
marks: "Tenof the eleven States, whose Legis- Maryland adopted a singular plan for consti-
| Title | History of Maryland - 2 |
| Creator | Scharf, J. Thomas (John Thomas) |
| Publisher | J. B. Piet |
| Place of Publication | Baltimore |
| Date | 1879 |
| Language | eng |
| Type | Books/Pamphlets |
| Title | 00000309 |
| Type | Books/Pamphlets |
| Transcript | 278 HISTORY OF MARYLAND. " This not pleasing, they resolve again that the commissioners may proceed to enlist for three years upon one roll alone—keeping it always in view that it was better to enlist during the war, if it did not retard the service. " This resolution keeping up the first bone of contention—the land—and by implication that the States had none, still not answering expectation, congress further resolved, that any resolutions that had passed should neither operate to weaken or strengthen the claim of the United States or any of them to any back land, by which this point, that has given such uneasiness in our province, will be saved, and will be discussed hereafter in our future confederacy. " The second point they had in view was the point of taxation, which they thought unequal, being rated on slaves as whites. This has been expressly named as the mode as to $6,000,000. As to $14,000,000 more the same declaration is made as in the article of land, that the proportion of sinking it shall be adjusted hereafter on each State, and that nothing heretofore done shall strengthen or weaken such inquiry or question. " Our Province having in some measure obtained a satisfaction on these two heads, nothing now remains but to consider whether the Convention having impowered ms to proceed and enlist for and during the war on the $20, we can go on the terms of three years, and the same bounty being for a less term. Under this point we are pretty generally agreed to depart from the letter to preserve the spirit." Here we note the first appearance of a question, which afterwards became of momentous consequence. The original charters of Virginia, Massachusetts, Connecticut and New York, included immense and ill-defined tracts of territory, conferred when the geographical knowledge of the country was most imperfect, and in no sense brought within the control of those colonies. It was a nice question how far subsequent revocations of charters, and the peace of Paris, had transferred the right of possession to the crown again, in which case these lands were liable to seizure, as crown property, not by the individual colonies, but by all conjointly. But Maryland neither entered into these subtleties, nor was her action founded upon any speculations as to the future expansion of that confederation whose very existence was then trembling in the balance. It was to meet the urgent demands of the hour that she acted; and her action was founded upon the simplest grounds of necessity and justice, as clearly stated by the convention. This subject will be further treated when we come to the formation of the confederation. While discussing this subject, the convention was not unmindful of the purposes for which it had been assembled. On the first day of their reassembling, the Declaration of Rights and the Constitution and form of government were taken up, and freely discussed from day to day, both in and out of the convention, by the members, the people and the press. After revision and amendment, on the third of November, the Bill of Rights was adopted,, and on the eighth, the constitution having been discussed, paragraph by paragraph, was also agreed to.1 1 The form of government thus established latures consisted of two branches, ordained that was looked upon by all the early statesmen and the members of both should be elected by the historians as one of singular excellence. The people. This rather made two co-ordinate Constitution of the Senate was especially the Houses of Representatives, than a check on a theme of admiration. Of it Dr. Ramsey re- single one by the moderation of a select few. marks: "Tenof the eleven States, whose Legis- Maryland adopted a singular plan for consti- |
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