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THE TREASON BILL. 465
border slaveholding States at the executive mansion, and appealed to them to
consider his proposition of the 6th of March last. These gentlemen, in concluding their reply to the President, said:
"We regarded this resolution as the utterance of a sentiment, and we had no confidence that it would assume the shape of a tangible, practical proposition, which would
yield the fruits of the sacrifice it required. Our people are influenced by the same want
of confidence, and will not consider the proposition in its present impalpable form. The
interest they are asked to give up is to them of immense importance, and they ought not
to be expected even to entertain the proposal until they are assured that when they accept
it their just expectations will not be frustrated. We regard your plan as a proposition
from the nation to the States to exercise an admitted constitutional right in a particular
manner and yield up a valuable interest. Before they ought to consider this proposition, it
should be presented in such a tangible, practical, efficient shape as to command their confidence that its fruits are contingent only upon their acceptance. We cannot trust anything to the contingencies of future legislation.
" If Congress, by proper and necessary legislation, shall provide sufficient funds and
place them at your disposal, to be applied by you to the payment of any of our States or
the citizens thereof, who shall adopt the abolishment of slavery, either gradual or immediate, as they may determine, and the expense of deportation and colonization of the
liberated slaves, then will our State and people take this proposition into careful consideration, for such decision as in their judgment is demanded by their interest, their honor,
and their duty to the whole country." *
Nothing, however, was done at this session of Congress upon the subject
of emancipation.
Among other topics which engaged the attention of the Legislature of
1861-2 was the " Treason Bill." This exceedingly stringent law was passed
finally by both Houses of the Legislature on the 6th of March. By its provisions the penalty of death was to be inflicted on any one who should be
convicted of treasonably levying " war against this State, or shall adhere to the
enemies thereof, whether foreign or domestic, giving them aid or comfort,
within this State or elsewhere." A number of sub-sections of the bill prescribed various degrees of punishment for various offences, such as conspiring
to burn bridges, destroy railroads, break canals, etc.; holding "any secret
or public meeting, or unite with or belong to any secret club or association . . intended to effect, promote or encourage the separation or secession
of this State from the government or union of the United States; displaying
secession flags, etc.; offering inducements to any minor or other person to
abandon his home or place of temporary residence, for the purpose of going
into any of the States in rebellion, or furnishing to any minor or other
1 This report was signed by Francis Thomas, value would be, at this time, $1,200,000,000;
J. W. Crisfield, Charles B. Calvert, C L. L. and if to this we would add the cost of deporta-
Leary, and Edwin H; Webster, of the Maryland tion and colonization, at $100 each, which was
representatives in Congress, and fifteen others. but a fraction more than was actually paid by
According to the census of 1860, there were the Maryland Colonization Society, we have
then nearly four million slaves in the country; $400,000,000 more. Stated in this- form, the
from natural increase, they exceeded that num- proposition would have cost the government
her in 1862. At even the low average of $300, $478,038,133 to liberate 1,196,112 slaves in the
the price fixed upon by the Emancipation Act six border slave States. According to the cen-
for the District of Columbia, their estimated sus of 1860, Maryland had 87,188 slaves.
30-v. iii.
| Title | History of Maryland - 3 |
| Creator | Scharf, J. Thomas (John Thomas) |
| Publisher | J. B. Piet |
| Place of Publication | Baltimore |
| Date | 1879 |
| Language | eng |
| Type | Books/Pamphlets |
| Title | 00000496 |
| Type | Books/Pamphlets |
| Transcript | THE TREASON BILL. 465 border slaveholding States at the executive mansion, and appealed to them to consider his proposition of the 6th of March last. These gentlemen, in concluding their reply to the President, said: "We regarded this resolution as the utterance of a sentiment, and we had no confidence that it would assume the shape of a tangible, practical proposition, which would yield the fruits of the sacrifice it required. Our people are influenced by the same want of confidence, and will not consider the proposition in its present impalpable form. The interest they are asked to give up is to them of immense importance, and they ought not to be expected even to entertain the proposal until they are assured that when they accept it their just expectations will not be frustrated. We regard your plan as a proposition from the nation to the States to exercise an admitted constitutional right in a particular manner and yield up a valuable interest. Before they ought to consider this proposition, it should be presented in such a tangible, practical, efficient shape as to command their confidence that its fruits are contingent only upon their acceptance. We cannot trust anything to the contingencies of future legislation. " If Congress, by proper and necessary legislation, shall provide sufficient funds and place them at your disposal, to be applied by you to the payment of any of our States or the citizens thereof, who shall adopt the abolishment of slavery, either gradual or immediate, as they may determine, and the expense of deportation and colonization of the liberated slaves, then will our State and people take this proposition into careful consideration, for such decision as in their judgment is demanded by their interest, their honor, and their duty to the whole country." * Nothing, however, was done at this session of Congress upon the subject of emancipation. Among other topics which engaged the attention of the Legislature of 1861-2 was the " Treason Bill." This exceedingly stringent law was passed finally by both Houses of the Legislature on the 6th of March. By its provisions the penalty of death was to be inflicted on any one who should be convicted of treasonably levying " war against this State, or shall adhere to the enemies thereof, whether foreign or domestic, giving them aid or comfort, within this State or elsewhere." A number of sub-sections of the bill prescribed various degrees of punishment for various offences, such as conspiring to burn bridges, destroy railroads, break canals, etc.; holding "any secret or public meeting, or unite with or belong to any secret club or association . . intended to effect, promote or encourage the separation or secession of this State from the government or union of the United States; displaying secession flags, etc.; offering inducements to any minor or other person to abandon his home or place of temporary residence, for the purpose of going into any of the States in rebellion, or furnishing to any minor or other 1 This report was signed by Francis Thomas, value would be, at this time, $1,200,000,000; J. W. Crisfield, Charles B. Calvert, C L. L. and if to this we would add the cost of deporta- Leary, and Edwin H; Webster, of the Maryland tion and colonization, at $100 each, which was representatives in Congress, and fifteen others. but a fraction more than was actually paid by According to the census of 1860, there were the Maryland Colonization Society, we have then nearly four million slaves in the country; $400,000,000 more. Stated in this- form, the from natural increase, they exceeded that num- proposition would have cost the government her in 1862. At even the low average of $300, $478,038,133 to liberate 1,196,112 slaves in the the price fixed upon by the Emancipation Act six border slave States. According to the cen- for the District of Columbia, their estimated sus of 1860, Maryland had 87,188 slaves. 30-v. iii. |
