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696 HISTORY OF MARYLAND.
In a speech delivered in the House, March 28th, 1867, Governor Thomas
said:
" I utterly deny here—I have denied it for thirty years of my life—that there is a
republican government in Maryland. This tyranny and oppression no free people ought
to submit to.
" Let me speak of their inequalities a little in detail. There are about 150,000 free whife
inhabitants in those fifteen counties of Maryland where settlements were first made, while
there are in other parts of the State 500,000. These counties, with 150,000, have fifteen
members of the Senate of Maryland, out of twenty-four, nearly two thirds of that body.
Ofthe thirty-one governors of Maryland, these fifteen counties, with one-fifth ofthe population, have had twenty-four. The same injustice has prevailed with reference to the
selection of Senators of the United States. The school fund, contributed mainly from
western Maryland and the city of Baltimore, has been distributed without regard to population. Under such a government, the majority cannot rule. Is such a government to
be deemed republican in this age? Never was it intended that the minority should have
perpetual domination over the majority.
" In 1850, there was a partial rectification of this evil. In 1864, again a small portion
of that power was taken away from the southern counties. The party temporarily in.
power, this minority in the lower counties, aided by the treachery of the governor, have
now boldly presented a call for a constitutional convention, as a basis of which they propose that twelve more members of the Legislature shall be given to the lower section of
Maryland. The people of the State are up in arms against such a monstrous proposition.
What are we to do ? We are powerless, unless Congress interposes. And has Congress
that power ? The United States have power to guarantee a republican form of government to all the States. How is Congress to exercise that power? By an Enabling Act.
The party in power in Maryland have utterly abrogated that article of our Constitution,
which excludes from suffrage those who went South during the rebellion and took part
against the government of the United States.
" Look at the situation of the State of Maryland in relation to the seat of government
of the United States. No member of Congress can come here to take his seat without
crossing the territory of Maryland, and is it unreasonable to expect that the Congress of
the United States, which has expended so much blood and treasure to rescue one section
of the Union from the political domination held by those plotting the overthrow of the
government, will hesitate to exercise the unquestioned power conferred upon it under the
Constitution to rescue Maryland from the hands of persons as thoroughly disloyal and
hostile to this government at this moment as are any in the States further South ? Sir, I
take bolder ground than that, even. I hold that were the Constitution silent upon the
subject, so absolutely necessary and indispensable is the soil of Maryland to the proper
administration of this government, a power in this government, as a government, would
exist to seize, occupy and establish those institutions in accord with the known wishes
and purposes ofthe people, and the safety and security ofthe government itself."
xilthough distinctly foreshadowed in the partisan press, the partisan resolution of Mr. Thomas was the first definite announcement in Congress of a
scheme to reconstruct the State government of Maryland by a similar process
to that which'had been applied to the late Confederate States.
The theory that the State government of Maryland was anti-republican
and anti-democratic because based upon an unequal apportionment of representation in the State Legislature, was a favorite idea with Governor Thomas,
entertained by him ever since the days of the "glorious nineteen." The
| Title | History of Maryland - 3 |
| Creator | Scharf, J. Thomas (John Thomas) |
| Publisher | J. B. Piet |
| Place of Publication | Baltimore |
| Date | 1879 |
| Language | eng |
| Type | Books/Pamphlets |
| Title | 00000733 |
| Type | Books/Pamphlets |
| Transcript | 696 HISTORY OF MARYLAND. In a speech delivered in the House, March 28th, 1867, Governor Thomas said: " I utterly deny here—I have denied it for thirty years of my life—that there is a republican government in Maryland. This tyranny and oppression no free people ought to submit to. " Let me speak of their inequalities a little in detail. There are about 150,000 free whife inhabitants in those fifteen counties of Maryland where settlements were first made, while there are in other parts of the State 500,000. These counties, with 150,000, have fifteen members of the Senate of Maryland, out of twenty-four, nearly two thirds of that body. Ofthe thirty-one governors of Maryland, these fifteen counties, with one-fifth ofthe population, have had twenty-four. The same injustice has prevailed with reference to the selection of Senators of the United States. The school fund, contributed mainly from western Maryland and the city of Baltimore, has been distributed without regard to population. Under such a government, the majority cannot rule. Is such a government to be deemed republican in this age? Never was it intended that the minority should have perpetual domination over the majority. " In 1850, there was a partial rectification of this evil. In 1864, again a small portion of that power was taken away from the southern counties. The party temporarily in. power, this minority in the lower counties, aided by the treachery of the governor, have now boldly presented a call for a constitutional convention, as a basis of which they propose that twelve more members of the Legislature shall be given to the lower section of Maryland. The people of the State are up in arms against such a monstrous proposition. What are we to do ? We are powerless, unless Congress interposes. And has Congress that power ? The United States have power to guarantee a republican form of government to all the States. How is Congress to exercise that power? By an Enabling Act. The party in power in Maryland have utterly abrogated that article of our Constitution, which excludes from suffrage those who went South during the rebellion and took part against the government of the United States. " Look at the situation of the State of Maryland in relation to the seat of government of the United States. No member of Congress can come here to take his seat without crossing the territory of Maryland, and is it unreasonable to expect that the Congress of the United States, which has expended so much blood and treasure to rescue one section of the Union from the political domination held by those plotting the overthrow of the government, will hesitate to exercise the unquestioned power conferred upon it under the Constitution to rescue Maryland from the hands of persons as thoroughly disloyal and hostile to this government at this moment as are any in the States further South ? Sir, I take bolder ground than that, even. I hold that were the Constitution silent upon the subject, so absolutely necessary and indispensable is the soil of Maryland to the proper administration of this government, a power in this government, as a government, would exist to seize, occupy and establish those institutions in accord with the known wishes and purposes ofthe people, and the safety and security ofthe government itself." xilthough distinctly foreshadowed in the partisan press, the partisan resolution of Mr. Thomas was the first definite announcement in Congress of a scheme to reconstruct the State government of Maryland by a similar process to that which'had been applied to the late Confederate States. The theory that the State government of Maryland was anti-republican and anti-democratic because based upon an unequal apportionment of representation in the State Legislature, was a favorite idea with Governor Thomas, entertained by him ever since the days of the "glorious nineteen." The |
